Muammar Gaddafi: Revolutionary Hero or Ruthless Strongman?

Muammar Gaddafi was a Libyan revolutionary, soldier and politician who ruled Libya for over four decades. His leadership was marked by radical ideologies, authoritarian control, ambitious pan-African and pan-Arab visions, and significant controversy, both domestically and internationally. 

Gaddafi’s reign was characterised by strong controversy as he unreservedly developed various political ideologies and sought to implement Libya and across the international space. While he invested heavily in education, infrastructure, and healthcare using oil wealth, he also silenced opposition through fear, violence, and surveillance. To some, he was a visionary who challenged Western hegemony; to others, a ruthless dictator who crushed dissent.

Gaddafi’s Early Life 

Muammar Gaddafi was born on the 7th of June 1942 to the al-Gaddafa clan, a Bedouin family (nomadic tribe) in the desert of Sirte, Libya. His education began at a traditional Quranic infants’ school, to Sirte primary school and a secondary school in Sebha, the capital of Fezzan.

Records show that while Gaddafi’s education went on, he was also tasked with taking care of the flock just as other boys of his age did. From an early age, he showed ardent interest in education and politics. With time, Gaddafi formed strong political ideas that were largely influenced by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and revolved around Arab nationalism. The Egyptian president was renowned for overthrowing the sitting king of his time — King Farouk and spreading a wild flame of Arab renaissance, unity and liberation. Gaddafi would eventually adopt the president’s strategies and entitle himself with the rank of Colonel, the same rank Gamal had borne. 

Gaddafi would go on to study history at the University of Libya in Benghazi but dropped out of the system to join the military. In 1963, he began training at the Royal Military Academy, Benghazi where he met friends with Arab renaissance ideologies. As part of his military training, he also spent time in Britain.                                                  

Upon getting back to Libya and graduating from the academy in 1965, Gaddafi regrouped with other Arab renaissance idealists to plan a coup d’etat against King Idris I, the sitting monarch of Libya. This coup would eventually find fruition in September 1969 and establish what the usurpers called the Libyan Arab Republic. 

The Coup D’état 

The 1969 coup carried out by Gaddafi and his subservient revolutionists has been described time and again as swift, bloodless and clean. For Gaddafi and his cohort, King Idris I had been too friendly with Western civilisation, even going as far as to open Libya’s borders to America for the purpose of building an air base in the country. This group had seen an urgent need to change the narrative of their home country. Hence, while King Idris I was abroad for a holiday, the Gaddafi crew seized control of the government and proclaimed a new state called the Libyan Republic — a nation that would be ruled by a revolutionary council. Before long, it became evident that the young, handsome and charismatic army officer named Gaddafi was the dominant figure on the council, becoming its chairman as well as the commander-in-chief of the Libyan military. During this period, Gaddafi also, notably, promoted himself to the rank of colonel. 

Gaddafi’s Political Ideology

Right from his teenage years, Gaddafi had clearly been fascinated by the idea of a unified Arab world. This fascination played out after the coup, leading to the implementation of what he called “Islamic Socialism,” a concept he espoused in a book he would later launch as the Green Book and which describes a system of government in which many economic sectors are combined and operated under mass rule. 

Running on the central idea of unifying Arab states into a single empire, he was rapidly rejected by the so-called Arab states he had so much fervor to see thrive collectively in an empire. This marked a significant shift in Gaddafi’s ideology, as he moved away from Arab nationalism and began exploring entirely new political frameworks.

During his reign, Gaddafi became a highly controversial figure, running a government that seemed to save and harm Libyans simultaneously. One of his beneficial systemic institutions was the nationalisation of Libya’s oil production and the negotiation of better deals for oil exports. In the late 1950s, significant reserves of oil had been discovered in Libya. However, foreign petroleum companies controlled its extraction, setting prices to benefit themselves.

Gaddafi, demanding a renegotiation of the contracts, threatened to shut off production if renegotiations failed. As history has it, this led to Libya becoming the first developing country to secure majority revenue share from its oil production. 

This greatly increased the country’s revenue which was directed towards social reforms such as state-funded education, healthcare, housing and employment programs. The small population of the country coupled with its oil rich fields, ordinarily made his reign easy. 

In 1970, he further successfully removed U.S. and British military bases from Libya and also deported many Italians and Jews from the country. Alcoholic beverages and gambling were also outlawed. This dramatic change in government and its consequential benefits gained Gaddafi favour among Libyans.

A seemingly endless series of political actions, however, marred his promising reign, particularly the ruthless silencing of political opponents and dissidents. This would turn out to be one of the most significant factors that led to the abject failure of the Gaddafi regime. 

The Green Book

In the early 1970s, Gaddafi introduced himself as a political philosopher to the world as he launched the Green Book. This book, notably, contained a third universal theory that claims to solve inherent contradictions in capitalism and communism. The goal of this theory was to create a political, economic and social revolution that would set the oppressed free everywhere in the world. 

Critics have described the book as a fatuous diatribe, noting the irony that its proclaimed intent to liberate was ultimately harnessed by Gaddafi to subjugate the Libyan people. It is, however, remarkable that the book did indeed serve as the pedestal for Gaddafi’s rule. We see the absolute intolerance of dissident voices and opposition detailed in the book, eventually play out in real life during his rule, as all resemblances of civil society, constitutionality and political participation were eradicated. 

Certain elements of the Green book did seem to have altruistic intentions such as the clamour for self-governance through specialised committees run by the people. The implementation of its principles, however, shroud its entire existence in a cloud of falsehood. This implementation created hierarchies that witnessed Gaddafi’s family and close allies at the top, subject to no form of checks and balances and protected by a brutal security system.

For a long time, the Gaddafi regime kept up false appearances of mass led congresses created to discuss societal and political issues. In reality, these congresses had no real power, authority or even budgets. In fact, it quickly became popular knowledge that anyone who spoke out of turn or criticised the regime faced the imminent danger of incarceration or a more fatal fate. Furthermore, draconian laws — such as the death penalty for advocating constitutional reform and life imprisonment for allegedly tarnishing Libya’s image — were justified in the name of national security. These laws played a huge role in establishing Gaddafi as an oppressor himself. 

After his death, documentaries have surfaced with victims regaling tales of extreme torture, jail terms without fair trials, executions and disappearances. It is said that most of the elite citizens of the time voluntarily went into exile to avoid being a part of the regime. 

Foreign Policy and International Relations

Gaddafi's foreign policy was marked by radicalism and ambition which spread beyond Libyan borders. He supported numerous revolutionary and militant movements — the Black Panthers, the Nation of Islam in the United States and the Irish Republican Army — around the world, including in Africa, the Middle East, and even Latin America, advocating against imperialism. For example, his regime was consistently implicated in numerous abortive coup attempts in Egypt and Sudan and for constantly interfering in Chad’s long-time civil war during the period. He was also renowned for fishing out and killing Libyan émigrés through  what was rumoured to be a global Libyan intelligence network. This earned Libya international condemnation and led to sanctions, especially from Western countries.

One of the most notorious events linked to his regime was the  bombing of a nightclub in which two US soldiers and one civilian died, leaving several others injured. This event created a chaotic moment for Gaddafi and Libya as a whole as the sitting President — Ronald Reagan — ordered counter air strikes against Tripoli and Benghazi (the former being the capital of Libya and the latter being another major city in the country) in retaliation for the soldiers’ deaths. This led to the death of many Libyans, leaving several others injured.

Another yet significantly notorious incident that was linked to his reign was the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which killed 270 people. This led to numerous trade related and non trade sanctions. Although Libya denied responsibility for years, it eventually accepted responsibility and paid compensation to victims' families, contributing to a gradual thaw in relations with the West during the early 2000s. 

Libya’s renewed acceptance into the international political fold paved the way for visits from Tony Blair, the former UK Prime Minister, and other dignitaries to Gaddafi. This newly thawed ground left many in disapproval. However, the situation never inhibited Western manufacturers and oil firms from taking advantage as they struck new deals with Libya. Gaddafi’s relations with the Arabs, however, did not go quite so well as he consistently disrupted the annual summits of the Arab League. The United Nations has also experienced its fair share of Gaddafi’s political ideologies. During the 2009 General Assembly, he delivered a speech that exceeded his allotted 10-minute slot by more than an hour and fifteen minutes, theatrically tearing out and crumpling pages from the UN Charter as he spoke.

In Africa, Gaddafi had quite a strong sway. Pioneering the same ideologies of a Western influence free world as he had done in Libya. He demonstrated significant support for transformative leaders such as Nelson Mandela and Robert Mugabe while also playing a significant role in the development of the African Union. In February 2009, Gaddafi was appointed as the chairman of the African Union.

The Revolt that Ended Gaddafi’s Regime

By early 2011, a wave of uprisings known as the Arab Spring had begun sweeping across North Africa and the Middle East, challenging long-standing autocratic regimes. Inspired by protests in Tunisia and Egypt, Libyans took to the streets in February 2011 to demand political reform, an end to corruption, and the fall of Gaddafi’s four-decade regime.

The first spark came on February 15, when anti-government rallies broke out in Benghazi following the arrest of Fethi Tarbel, a prominent human rights lawyer. Prior to this protest, in 1996, Gaddafi had reportedly ordered the massacre of about 1,200 men who, unable to bear the torture, had revolted in one one of his prisons — Abu Salim. Etched forever in their memories, widows, families and friends flocked to the streets, and called for Gaddafi to step down as well as for the release of political prisoners.

Security forces responded with water cannons and rubber bullets, injuring several demonstrators. In a bid to stifle dissent and control the narrative, the regime organised a pro-Gaddafi rally that was broadcast on state television. 

Fast forward to the 2011 protest, the movement rapidly escalated into an armed rebellion. Rebel forces, largely based in the eastern city of Benghazi, clashed with Gaddafi's loyalist troops in a conflict that soon drew international attention. In an attempt to suppress this uprising, Gaddafi’s regime resorted to violence, firing live ammunition at protesters through the police and mercenary forces. This eventually escalated into the use of fighter jets, artillery, and helicopter gunship. The violence triggered global outrage from foreign government officials and human rights organisations.

Even within Gaddafi’s inner circle, cracks began to appear. During this period, high-ranking political figures either resigned in protest or released supporting statements for the uprising. In all these, Gaddafi genuinely believed his people still loved him and pointed fingers at al-Qaeda as the engineer of the uprising. His assertions went as far as stating his strong beliefs that the protesters were under the influence of hallucinogenic drugs. 

By the end of February, rebel forces had seized control of large portions of Libyan territory and were tightening their grip around Tripoli, where Gaddafi remained increasingly isolated. In interviews with Western media on February 28, he insisted that he was beloved by his people and denied using violence—claims that rang hollow in the face of mounting evidence to the contrary.

As rebel forces gained momentum, international calls for Gaddafi’s resignation intensified. On February 26, the United Nations Security Council imposed a series of sanctions, including a travel ban, arms embargo, and asset freeze targeting the Gaddafi family. Days later, the United States froze an estimated $30 billion in Libyan assets. But while diplomatic pressure mounted abroad, Gaddafi’s forces began to regroup and recapture several rebel-held territories.

By March, his troops were advancing toward Benghazi, raising fears of an impending massacre. In response, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1973 on March 17, authorizing military intervention to protect civilians. NATO swiftly launched airstrikes against the regine, dealing significant blows to Gaddafi’s military infrastructure but failing to secure a swift victory. The conflict devolved into a grinding stalemate.

In a further blow to the regime, two senior officials—Moussa Koussa and Ali Abdussalam el-Treki—defected in late March, shaking the foundations of Gaddafi’s inner circle. Still, he remained entrenched in Tripoli, vowing never to surrender.

On April 30, a NATO airstrike hit the Bāb al-ʿAzīziyyah compound in Tripoli, killing Gaddafi’s youngest son, Sayf al-Arab, and three of his grandchildren. Gaddafi himself was reportedly present during the strike but escaped unscathed. NATO denied targeting the Libyan leader directly.

Meanwhile, the International Criminal Court had opened an investigation into the regime’s violent crackdown. On June 27, it issued arrest warrants for Gaddafi, his son Sayf al-Islam, and intelligence chief Abdullah Senussi on charges of crimes against humanity for orchestrating attacks on civilians.

By August, Gaddafi’s grip on power was slipping fast. Rebel fighters stormed Tripoli, capturing key areas and dealing a symbolic blow on August 23 when they seized the Bāb al-ʿAzīziyyah compound. Crowds tore through the former stronghold, destroying remnants of his rule. Gaddafi’s location remained a mystery, though he released audio messages urging Libyans to resist the rebels.

As rebels solidified their hold on the capital, efforts to capture Gaddafi intensified. A bounty of $1.7 million was placed on his head. The man who once ruled Libya with an iron fist now found himself hunted, hidden, and increasingly irrelevant in the face of a revolution he had once dismissed as a foreign conspiracy.

Gaddafi’s Death

As NATO warplanes darkened Libya’s skies and rebel forces closed in from all directions, Muammar Gaddafi retreated to the coastal city of Sirte—his birthplace and symbolic stronghold. Once a display of his enduring pride, Sirte had now become the last stand of a regime on the brink. With Tripoli lost and loyalist territory shrinking, Gaddafi set up a makeshift operations base in the ruined heart of his hometown, shuffling between abandoned buildings and civilian homes to evade relentless bombardment. There, in the rubble-strewn neighborhoods of District 2, he issued defiant orders and held out hope for a reversal that would never come.

For weeks, Gaddafi’s loyalists, including his son Mutassim who took charge of the city's military defense, engaged in a desperate and disorganized resistance, facing off against anti-Gaddafi militias from Misrata, Benghazi, and beyond. The situation deteriorated rapidly. Food and medical supplies were scarce, communications were disrupted, and NATO’s precision strikes were cutting deeper into the loyalist ranks.

By October 20, 2011, the stronghold was all but collapsed. In a final bid to escape, Mutassim ordered a breakout. A convoy of around 50 vehicles—filled with fighters, aides, and remnants of the regime—attempted to flee westward. But the attempt was ill-fated. NATO drones and jets quickly intercepted the movement, launching strikes that destroyed several vehicles and left the rest scattered and vulnerable. Survivors, including Gaddafi, sought refuge in a nearby villa compound before crawling through drainage pipes beneath the highway in a last-ditch effort to avoid capture.

But the end had arrived. Misrata fighters discovered the group hiding near the pipes. In the confusion of their capture, a bodyguard’s grenade fatally wounded Gaddafi’s defense minister and injured the former leader himself. What followed was a chaotic and brutal scene. Gaddafi, bleeding and disoriented, was dragged through the dirt, beaten, and assaulted. Though he was eventually loaded into an ambulance, by the time it reached Misrata, he was dead. Whether his death came from shrapnel, gunshot wounds, or the violence inflicted during his capture remains unresolved. 

Elsewhere that same day, Mutassim Gaddafi was captured alive, bloodied but upright. Initial footage showed him detained, still talking and drinking water with the fighters. Hours later, he too was dead—his body bearing signs of severe trauma not visible in earlier recordings, raising strong suspicions of execution after capture.

The aftermath of the final battle in Sirte revealed a disturbing pattern. While many in the convoy died in combat or NATO airstrikes, dozens more appeared to have been executed after being taken into custody. The bodies of at least 53 detainees—bound, beaten, and shot—were found dumped near the Mahari Hotel. Video footage, eyewitness testimony, and forensic evidence all point to a chilling war crime committed by the victorious militias. Yet to this day, there has been no meaningful investigation, no accountability.

Sirte, once the proud cradle of Gaddafi’s rule, had become the place of his violent fall—and a glaring indictment of the post-Gaddafi Libya that followed, where justice was swept aside by vengeance, and the rule of law dissolved into the rule of militias.

Gaddafi’s Legacy

In the years since his death, Muammar Gaddafi’s legacy has remained one of the most polarizing in modern African and Arab history. For some, he was the iron-fisted autocrat who ruled Libya through repression, cult-like nationalism, and erratic policies that stifled dissent and plunged the country into decades of isolation. For others, especially among the older generation, he was a symbol of stability, pan-African pride, and state-sponsored welfare in a region often defined by foreign domination and weak governance.

Under Gaddafi, Libya saw massive oil revenues redirected toward public infrastructure, education, and health care. Literacy rates soared. Free education and healthcare were accessible to most citizens. The state subsidized basic goods, and public housing projects proliferated. Libya, once among the poorest nations in Africa, was catapulted to one of the continent’s highest in per capita income. Abroad, Gaddafi championed pan-Africanism and pan-Arabism, funding liberation movements and hosting summits that positioned Libya as a leader among Global South nations.

But those gains came at a heavy cost. Political pluralism was outlawed. Opponents were imprisoned, tortured, or simply disappeared. His vision of “direct democracy” through People’s Committees and the Green Book replaced functioning institutions with unpredictable rule-by-decree. Internationally, Gaddafi’s support for militant groups and erratic foreign policy choices turned Libya into a pariah state, culminating in devastating sanctions during the 1990s.

The contradictions of his rule echo loudly in Libya today. Some Libyans reflect on the Gaddafi era with a reluctant nostalgia, not because they forget the abuses, but because the chaos that followed has been even more punishing. The post-Gaddafi era has not delivered the democracy many hoped for. Instead, Libya has become a fractured state, torn between rival governments, competing militias, and foreign interventions. What was once a highly centralized nation now reels under a power vacuum that has bred civil war, human trafficking, and economic collapse.

Across the African continent and parts of the Arab world, Gaddafi’s image still sparks fierce debate. Some celebrate him as a revolutionary who defied Western imperialism and invested in African unity, while others remember a ruler who clung to power for too long, silencing dissent in the name of national security.

In death, as in life, Muammar Gaddafi remains a man of extremes—hailed by loyalists as a visionary, condemned by critics as a tyrant, and remembered by history as a leader whose rule brought both empowerment and oppression. Libya’s long and difficult journey toward reconciliation continues, haunted by the specter of a man who once promised a utopia and left behind a nation in ruins.